In the hyper-commercialized world we now live in, it might be impossible to associate anything but overpriced flower bouquets and corporate sponsorships with International Women’s Day (IWD), but the widely celebrated occasion actually has a rich history of over 100 years of the women’s rights movement.

March 8, known as Ngày Quốc Tế Phụ Nữ in Vietnamese, was officially codified by the United Nations as IWD in 1975, but the idea for a day for women started brewing way before in 1910 during the International Socialist Women's Conference in Copenhagen, when German journalist Clara Zetkin and other delegates put forth the idea for a yearly “Women’s Day,” though no specific date was mentioned.

On March 18, 1911 — the 40^th anniversary of the Paris Commune — the first widely recognized IWD event took place in Europe, where over a million Austrian, German, Swiss, Polish, Dutch, and Danish women took part in marches and meetings.

In Petrograd, Russia, on March 8, 1917, women textile workers took to the street to demand the end to WWI, food shortages, and Tsarism, igniting the start of the February Revolution (due to a previous calendar system in Europe, March 8 was February 23). March 8 continued to be celebrated by Bolsheviks as IWD to remember the beginning of the revolution.

The march in 1917 that sparked the February Revolution. Photo via Bảo tàng Hồ Chí Minh.

In 1922, the then-communist Zetkin worked with Vladimir Lenin to formally establish International Women’s Day on March 8 as a communist holiday of the Soviet Union. From then, IWD started to be widely adopted by other communist nations and the communist movement worldwide, including in Brazil, Chile, China, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, and, of course, Vietnam.

Due to IWD’s roots in socialism and official link to communism, the US and many members of the Western Bloc remain icy to the day for most of the 20^th century, though in recent decades, following the UN’s recognition, it is starting to appear on the festive calendar of more countries.

In Vietnam, the earliest evidence showing IWD observation points to a letter from Hồ Chí Minh, published in Nhân Dân newspaper on March 8, 1952, to commemorate Hai Bà Trưng’s death anniversary and International Women’s Day. In the address, he showed his respect for the female soldiers who sacrificed themselves for the revolution, as well as those whose children and husbands were fighting in the war.

[Top image via Euro Maidan Press]

Ever since I was a kid, I have had a general dislike towards vegetables, but green onion has always been an exception. I regard green onion as a garnish that can lighten up the whole dish, and it seems like whenever it’s absent from my cơm tấm or xôi mặn, I will instantly lose my enthusiasm to eat. But during my teenage years, my affection for scallion was challenged for the first time, when I encountered a photo of Phú Yên’s bánh canh hẹ online.

I was taken aback by the bold presentation of the dish, the dizzying amount of greenery was too much for me. From time to time, I would come across photos of bánh canh hẹ on the internet, and  the weirdness of the dish made me think it was just a gimmick, so I never thought about trying it.

Chopped chives and Phú Yên-style bánh canh are two main components of bánh canh hẹ.

Fast forward many years later, bánh canh hẹ came up once again during a discussion meeting for Saigoneer’s two-week noodle content chapter, where I learned that Phú Yên’s bánh canh hẹ is a popular Central Vietnam delicacy with a humble beginning. It is made of cheap and accessible ingredients from the region. The noodle is made of Phú Yên’s local rice, the broth is stewed from fish in the province’s coastal areas. The green color of bánh canh hẹ comes from Phú Yên’s local hẹ, a thinner version of green onion that emits a lighter and distinctive aroma. According to locals, the excessive amount of chopped chives is used as an alternative for other vegetables and also to ease out the broth’s fishy smell.

The menu at Bánh Bèo Cô Mai hasn't changed even after the family relocated from the central coast to Saigon.

After learning more about the dish, I realized that I was unfairly judgmental towards it, missing out on a unique regional specialty. So I thought it would be a good idea for me to try it out to see what it’s all about. An eatery named Bánh Bèo Cô Mai Phú Yên was recommended due to its popularity among Saigoneers.

Bánh Bèo Cô Mai is located on Hoa Sứ Street near the Phan Xích Long food heaven. We arrive at lunchtime and it is already quite crowded. Luckily, we still get the chance to have a quick chat with the waiter to find out about the place’s history.

Home to chives and bánh bèo.

According to him, Cô Mai is run by a Phú Yên-born family, and it was first opened in Saigon about seven years ago, but before that, the family ran an eatery at the foot of Nhạn Mountain in Tuy Hòa, the capital city of Phú Yên. The menu at Cô Mai, identical to that of the old place, consists of three Phú Yên specialties: bánh canh hẹ, bánh bèo and bánh hỏi.

When asked about the cooking style of the dishes, he tells me about the family’s efforts to keep the tradition going. “We cook in the exact same way as we did in our hometown. There is no change at all.”

Bánh canh hẹ is an easy-to-eat but flavorful snack suitable for any time of the day.

When able to observe bánh canh hẹ at close range for the first time in my life, I was amazed by its unique visual and surprised by its simplicity. The copious amount of chopped chives creates a layer of vibrant greenery on top of the broth, below, there are fried fishcake patties, boiled quail eggs and a slice of black mackerel — all very familiar toppings. Add in some chili slices and we have a simple, yet colorful and distinctive-looking, Phú Yên specialty. 

Taste-wise, the unique flavor of bánh canh hẹ is mainly due to the broth. It has a very subtle fishy aroma that doesn’t affect the overall taste. Combined with the delicate scent of Phú Yên’s local chives, the mackerel slice and the fish patties, the soup offers up a pleasantly light and sweet flavor that makes me feel like I am dining near the ocean.

Cá thu fillet is one of the toppings.

The main starch is a type of rice flour noodle that is thinner and less chewy than that in regular Saigon bánh canh dishes such as bánh canh cua. Upon tasting, I am treated with Cô Mai’s well-cooked noodles with a soft and supple texture that’s enjoyable to chew and makes you want to keep slurping.

The seafood toppings present me with two polar opposite qualities. The mackerel chunks have a tender and fatty texture. In contrast, the fried fish cake chunks are chewy with a sweet aftertaste. Dipping these toppings in the store’s provided fish sauce mixed with minced chili can enhance the overall dish's oceanic feel.

Even though we come here for bánh canh, both its bánh bèo and bánh hỏi are equally delightful.

The bánh bèo and bánh hỏi are side dishes. One order of bánh bèo is served in 10 small bowls, likely meant to be shared among many people. The starches of bánh bèo and bánh hỏi are sprinkled with chives oil, pork floss, fried bread crumbs and fried shallots. The highlight of these two courses is the accompanying sweet-and-sour fish sauce.

A surprise dessert: đậu xanh sương sáo.

Overall, my first experience with Phú Yên’s bánh canh hẹ was a success. Cô Mai’s cooking is so good that I even came back a couple more times, and what I notice from my revisits is that the store seems crowded around the clock, which is an indirect statement of the eatery's food quality. So, if you’re craving a light noodle dish that evokes the essence of the sea, you can’t go wrong with Cô Mai’s bánh canh hẹ, made just the way locals like it.

To sum up:

• Opening time: 7am–9pm
• Parking: Bike only
• Contact: 0937 638 918
• Average cost per person: $ (under VND100,000)
• Payment: Cash, Transfer
• Delivery App: ShopeeFood

In August 1978, I visited Hanoi as part of an educational tour organized by a professor from La Trobe University in Melbourne. I was a high school history teacher at the time and an avid photographer. I walked the streets of Hanoi and took many photographs of everyday life in the city, and until now, these photographs have remained unpublished.

A pedicab driver seeking business in Đồng Xuân.

Beyond our tour group, I saw no other westerners in Hanoi, and there was little western photographic documentation of life in Vietnam in the immediate post-war era. Economic conditions were difficult for the citizens of Hanoi and only improved after 1986 with the Đổi Mới reforms.

In many respects, Hanoi in 1978 appeared to have changed little since the war years. Saigoneer, for example, has published heritage photographs taken by German photographer Horst Faas of Hanoi in 1973 in the aftermath of heavy bombing by the US (Linebacker 11). My photographs feature some similar street scenes. The tram network had changed little; it was ageing, heavily patronized, and invariably featured young children clinging onto the external rear carriage. Many people travelled by bicycle, and some utilized pedicabs.

Tram travel in Hanoi.

Working lives were difficult for most Hanoians, often involving hard, physical labour. Consumer goods were rationed, and everyday living included crowded and shared family accommodation. But despite these hard times, today there are some older Hanoians who look back on the historical Bao Cấp Era with a degree of nostalgia for the comradeship and for having lived through and experienced such hard times.

Have a look at a selection of the photos below:

Bicycle travel was very common.

A moment’s relaxation for a pedicab driver.

Laboring in the city.

Traveling on a lake (left), exercising by a lake (center) and working in a local shop (right).

Typical living accommodations in the city.

Portraits of children in Hanoi.

Portraits of older citizens on the streets.

Do you always remember the first time you tried a new food? With common staples like hủ tiếu, bún riêu or cơm tấm, that might be difficult, but I can recall exactly the first time I had bánh giò: it was from a bike vendor with a very distinctive northern-accented street call of “chưng, gai, bánh giò.”

Like its siblings bánh chưng and bánh gai, bánh giò is a dish of northern descent, albeit one that has integrated seamlessly into the national snack landscape over the past decades. Today, one hankering for something simple but filling can seek it out anywhere at any time, but when I was a child in the 1990s, northern vendors on bicycles would be the most common way to get our hands on a bánh giò.

On the back of a rickety bike that had definitely seen better days rested a huge plastic rucksack that felt hot to the touch. Inside, rows of leaf-covered bánh sat waiting for their turn to explore the outside world. As he briefly unfurled the bag to pick out bánh giò with tongs, the steam turned my glasses foggy and filled my nostrils with the familiar grassy scent of banana leaves.

A classic bánh giò is made up of a rice-based dough coating a filling of pork, shallot, and mushroom.

Those neatly wrapped leaves would become a clean surface to enjoy your bánh giò, its glutinous wobbly rice dough, its peppery pork filling, and its pearly quail eggs. The best case scenario should involve a spoon, but I have, on occasions, raw-dogged a bánh giò with just my hands and trusty teeth. There is no shame, because bánh giò is not a food designed for decorum and fancy cutleries.

I think bánh giò can do no wrong. As an adult man, I have to admit one is not enough for a full lunch, so you can always eat two or three if you so wish. However, to me, it is irrevocably the perfect snack made for the moments in life when you’re peckish but don’t want a whole bowl of phở: for breakfast; as an after-school, pre-dinner ăn xế; or especially as a stomach soother after a night out drinking.

Bánh giò makers are still around today if you know where to look, but the most accessible way to get them is no longer mobile vendors, but convenience stores. Thọ Phát, Saigon’s very own bánh bao maker-turned-entrepreneur, started mass-producing a version tailored for the convenience of modern retailers, and those leaf-wrapped pyramids began appearing in steamers at FamilyMarts and Circle K’s, further consolidating its role as a convenience, hearty, filling snack.

A maximalist “full-topping” version of bánh giò in Hanoi, featuring various types of sausages and pickles.

In December 2025, the company announced that it would sunset the old leaf-wrapped bánh giò version and switch to a new plastic mold, effective immediately. The reasons given included improved hygiene, convenience, and shelf life. The plastic version retains the pyramidal silhouette, and similar food filling, with a meagre banana leaf square at the bottom that can fit neatly in the palm of my hand. I personally think the mass-produced version, leaf or plastic, has never held a candle to bánh giò by independent makers, but it has taken a turn for the worse after the removal of leaves. Their grassy aroma contributes significantly to the eating experience and their broad surface helps the content retain moisture; without leaves, the dough is stodgy, monotonous, and miserable.

It is perhaps histrionic of me to decry something as seemingly simple as the recipe change of one company. After all, traditional bánh giò are still coming to life every day from kitchens from north to south, and a plastic makeover might not spell the demise of a time-honored delicacy, but it is still very clearly yet another example of the enshittification of modern life that’s unfolding right before our eyes. Shrinkflated chocolate bars, paywalled app features, synthetic fibre replacements in clothing, and now plastic bánh giò — these are all signs of corporations making our lives worse for the sake of profits.

Thọ Phát's bánh giò with plastic packaging.

I haven’t seen our bánh giò bike vendor in 10 years and now satisfy my cravings with ones from a store specialized in northern foods on Nguyễn Thiện Thuật. He could be too old or too sick to continue the work, but I suspect the disappearance of mobile vendors is not limited to my neighborhood, but part of a much bigger shift in the country's economic pattern. It is an incredibly challenging time to operate a small business in Saigon, with stringent recently introduced tax policies, harsh sidewalk-clearing campaigns, and less disposable income from consumers in general all squeezing the profit margins dry and driving out smaller players.

I don’t know about you, but I think it is high time I seek out a nice bánh giò in this trying time. I will drive to my favorite shop, park my bike, and ask for their biggest one with the most banana leaves around it, to make up for the leafless abomination I just ate for the sake of research.

Hanoi is currently building the country’s largest sports complex that’s hoped to become Vietnam’s go-to location to host international events and tournaments.

On December 19, as Tuổi Trẻ reports, state officials broke ground on the Olympics Sports City at a 9,171-hectare patch of land south of Hanoi. Vingroup is reportedly behind the massive project with a price tag of nearly VND926 trillion (US$38 billion).

According to Vingroup, the complex is separated into four segments of A, B, C, and D. Zone B will be the cornerstone of the project, where major sporting infrastructures are based, including the Trống Đồng Stadium, Global Aquatics Arena, Vietnam Sports Tower, and E-Sports Arena.

An artist's rendering of the complex and the zones.

The remaining zones comprise residential compounds and other supporting facilities, including a hospital and research center. The complex will house about 751,000 inhabitants and is estimated to finish in 2035. Officials greenlit the project in hopes that it can host regional and global sporting events like the Asian Games and Summer Olympics.

Of the amenities in the list, the Trống Đồng Stadium is perhaps the most talked about since it was announced. Like the name suggests, the stadium’s design is inspired by the Đông Sơn bronze drum and chim Lạc, figures with major archaeological importance in Vietnamese history.

At the moment, the land is still mostly for agricultural purposes.

The oval stadium is planned on a 48-hectare plot at a maximum capacity of 135,000 seats, over three times more than Mỹ Đình Stadium’s 40,000. Once finished, Trống Đồng will surpass India’s Narendra Modi Stadium (132,000) to be the world’s second-largest stadium, just behind North Korea’s Rungrado 1st of May Stadium (150,000). While the exact estimate is unclear, local media reports that construction on Trống Đồng is expected to finish in 2028–2030.

Images via CafeF. 

To say that Tết gathers together everything most beautiful in Vietnamese culture would not be an exaggeration. More than a threshold between the old year and the new, it is also a time when people feel they can return to, and relive, the traditional values that define them.

It is there in those year-end markets, where one searches for the familiar flavors of home. It is there in the square bánh chưng, shaped like the earth, and the cylindrical bánh tét, round like the sky. These are humble offerings, yet deeply reverent, placed before one’s ancestors. And on the afternoon of the 23^th day of the last lunar month, families erect cây nêu (tall bamboo pole) in front of their homes. A small wind chime hangs from it, trembling in the breeze as a quiet gesture meant to ward off misfortune.

Whenever strips of red paper begin to appear along Hàng Mã Street, I find myself thinking of ông đồ who once wrote characters on dó paper. What does the person who comes to ask for a character truly seek, if not something beyond a few strokes of calligraphy? And what does the giver offer, if not something beyond a flourish of black ink?

Silk robes and scholar caps

In the Confucian civil service examination system, candidates who passed three rounds and earned the degree of Tú Tài, a licentiate-level qualification, were known as “ông đồ.” Many never entered official service. Those who advanced only through the lower examinations would continue preparing for higher rounds such as thi Hội (the metropolitan exam) and thi Đình (the palace exam). In the meantime, they often supported themselves by teaching, hence the name “thầy đồ,” literally "scholar-teacher,” or by writing on commission.

Ông đồ reading, 1915. Photo by Léon Busy.

In the book Traditional Vietnamese Customs, compiled by Toan Ánh, a passage reads: “Elementary learning had no state-run schools, yet in every village there were a few ông đồ who taught children. Books were handwritten, as printed books were very expensive. Every ông đồ kept a small library, and students copied their lessons from the master’s books…”

Being recognized as an ông đồ required more than just wearing a traditional robe and knowing how to write. The title was reserved for those who possessed both literary skill and wisdom. Even if they had not achieved high academic honors, they maintained their integrity, lived honestly, and followed tradition. This was because, in earlier times, education was seen as a way to learn not only how to read and write but also how to be a person of virtue. The scholar was a symbol of intellect and character in society. People revered them not just for their elegant brushwork but for their clear conscience and steadfast values.

In the past, people sought out ông đồ when they needed “special scripts” (xin chữ) or someone literate to help with formal documents. This gave rise to the tradition of requesting and giving calligraphy. During festivals and especially at Tết, students and those devoted to study would ask for specific characters as a way of absorbing good fortune and intellectual blessing.

There was an unspoken etiquette to asking for a script. The petitioner would bring a modest offering such as betel and areca, tea, or tobacco, and come to the scholar’s home. The scholar, in turn, had to be solemn and respectful, giving his art only to those who truly valued the written word, rather than those merely pretending to be cultured.

Ông đồ on the street of Hanoi, 1913–1917. Photo by Léon Busy.

Characters were written in calligraphic form and rendered on many styles on sheets of red paper. Red, in eastern belief, is the color of luck and auspicious beginnings. The writer would let mood and instinct guide the brush, shaping letters into forms that were sometimes striking, sometimes unexpected. Each character that emerged beneath the scholar’s hand was more than a work of calligraphic art. It carried temperament, personality, feeling, and the distinct creative imprint of the individual who wrote it.

A word worth a thousand in gold

The old saying “nhất tự thiên kim,” meaning “one character [is] worth a thousand gold pieces,” is associated with Lü Buwei, as recorded in Sima Qian’s Records of the Grand Historian. The powerful Chinese chancellor once hung his book at the capital gate and offered a reward of gold to anyone who could add or remove a single character. His authority was so immense that no one dared step forward to revise it. Over time, the phrase became a classical allusion to writing of exceptional value.

Beyond its physical form, the written character is a means by which humanity preserves memory, opens understanding, and connects across time. That is why words are likened to gold. Dr. Cung Khắc Lược, a veteran calligrapher, explains: “Thought, emotion, and the inner life are always expressed through language, through vocabulary, through text. A single character written on a page, a word from the heart and mind offered to another, is worth a thousand gold pieces. It surpasses material wealth.”

Ông đồ stationed in front of Hương Pagoda, Hanoi, 1995. Photo via Flickr user lonqueta.

Over the years, the practice of asking for characters has grown more widespread, becoming a cherished custom each time Tết returns. From the mountains to the delta, regardless of wealth or status, anyone who comes with sincerity may ask for a character.

Each brushstroke carries a particular wish or intention. One might request Cát Tường (auspiciousness) or Như Ý (fulfillment) to pray for peace within the family. Others ask for Phát, Lộc (prosperity, fortune), or Tài (excellence) in hopes that their work will prosper and unfold smoothly. Young people often request for Chí (resolve) or Đắc (achievement) as a way to steady themselves in the face of hardship.

The ritual is no longer bound by the formalities of the past. The giver need not be an elderly scholar in traditional robes with silvered hair and beard. There are now modern calligraphers, western-trained writers, and women who are taking up the brush.

The art, too, has moved beyond black ink on red paper. Characters are carved or brushed onto wood, stone, bamboo, silk, or brocade. Seal script, clerical script, regular script, cursive, running script, every form has its place. Along city streets and in temple courtyards, people queue patiently for characters that unfurl across the page like phoenixes in flight and dragons in motion, a beautiful custom that feels inseparable from the first days of the new year.

Modern calligraphic masters come from all walks of life. Photo by Alberto Prieto.

Dedicated “scholar streets” have also emerged to honor this traditional custom. In the north, the Temple of Literature is widely regarded as a symbolic “village of examination candidates.” In the south, the practice of asking for calligraphic characters dates back to the 17^th century, when the Nguyễn lords expanded southward to develop new territories, followed by waves of migrants from the north and central regions. It was not until the late 17^th century, however, when Chinese communities began settling and cultivating the areas around Biên Hòa and Đồng Nai, that the custom truly flourished. The long coexistence of different cultures has, in subtle ways, shaped the distinctive character of this southern tradition.

Today, more than half of the calligraphy masters are students of classical Sino-Vietnamese studies or simply lovers of the art. Those who come to request characters span every age group, social background, and profession. This is not a fleeting trend. I see it as an act of cultural transmission. Whatever changes in form or setting, the essence of the custom remains intact. The person holding the brush pours care and craft into every stroke. The one who asks comes with respect for learning and for the traditions that have shaped it.

Photo by Alberto Prieto.

[Top image by Léon Busy.]

At 3am, Hội An’s streets resemble dog-gnawed pork bones, licked clean of all scent and viscera. No light, no noise, no movement. But that’s the time you must venture out to witness the Duy Hải Fish Market in action.

After you cross the Cửa Đại Bridge leading away from Old Town, you’ll turn into a warren of homes and notice the first signs of activity. A few motorbikes rumble in the distance, some homes have lights on, and finally, on the tiny streets that lead to the water, small restaurants and coffee shops emerge, brightly lit against the lampblack dark. In a simple wooden-walled shop playing bolero, middle-aged men slap playing cards onto plastic tables filled with phin filters and drinking glasses. Their workdays are already over and it is time to relax now that they are back on firm ground. At the docks, women are just beginning to work as sanguine light clots on the horizon.

A fish market is a testament to the messiness of making things work. All-purpose plastic bins and baskets fill with fish, their mucus-slick scales shimmering on the cement like dropped costume jewelry. Women weigh, sort and separate the catch before selling them to the wholesalers who will take them into town for use in restaurants and grocery stores. These are family operations: the women work in concert with their fathers, husbands or brothers who steer the boats towards the dock. This is not a place for fashion. Mismatched pajamas. Stained sweatshirts and tattered hats are the ad hoc uniforms for those crouching in knee-high rubber boats, occasionally splashed by the water seemingly trickling everywhere. Fish blood and exhaust linger in the air.

While removed from the immediate action, the commotion is no less intense on the water. Duy Hải’s handful of docks service a good number of boats coming in from the sea, and smooth coordination is required to bring them in efficiently and without collision. The conventions governing the order and procedure of their arrivals is beyond outsiders, instead it operates with a mysterious mathematics not unlike the currents themselves: we don’t understand it, but we trust it.

The sun is not up yet, but its rays foretell its entrance.

Streaks of yellow and orange ward off the curtains of dawn.

Frayed and tangled nets with stained floats and bobbers pile on the boat decks. Weather-battered wood boasts brightly colored, peeling paint; the familiar eyes at the front are chipped and fading. A sluice of salty muck, algae, oil, and sweat lay a damp sheen to every surface. Only the ocean surface below or the cloud cover above hints at purification, some clean future; a hot shower, and the clear broth the catch will accompany

Collecting fish from nets.

Freshly catch sea creatures are sorted by types and sizes.

As 6am nears, there is little end to difficult work to be done, but the daylight ushers in a new hazard: tourists. With matching paint jobs and helmets, motorbikes near the dock, and camera-gripping visitors descend on the scene. The men transferring fish to shore, and the woman shouting prices and preferences to each other must now be mindful of the interlopers. Duy Hải, like many sites of traditional activity, has now become a spectacle for foreigners and locals alike. It’s a good time to depart. And looking back from the bridge, the chaos imperceptible, a hint òf the day’s heat already draped on the mountains in the distance, we are reminded of the peculiar, frail shuffling our species does along the hem of the great oceans.

Plans for eventual metro access to the Long Thành International Airport are taking shape.

With Sagion’s new international airport having already received its first flight and regular operations expected to begin in the middle of this year, authorities are moving forward with plans to establish access via urban railway. Notably, this month, the Hồ Chí Minh City People’s Council approved a resolution to extend the currently operational Metro Line 1 to Long Thành International Airport under a public-private partnership.

The need for rail access to the airport is obvious, as current transportation options are limited. Travel via the HCMC–Long Thành expressway, National Highway 1, and National Highway 51 already experiences congestion that will be exacerbated by airport traffic. Conservative estimates place current travel time at 2–3 hours.

Đồng Nai Province will be the executing agency for the recently approved line extension, set to run 41.4 kilometers across three sections. Beginning at the Suối Tiên Station, it will stretch 6.1 kilometers to the Đồng Nai provincial administration center, then 28.2 kilometers to Station SA, which is planned to connect to the Metro Line 2 Bến Thành–Thủ Thiêm section, and then 7.1 kilometers to the airport. Implementation is expected to last from 2026 to 2029. 

The extended line is designed to operate at 110 kilometers per hour in the open and 80 kilometers per hour in tunnels. Funds for the plan, which is estimated at more than VND60.26 trillion (US$2.29 billion), include VND3.41 trillion for site clearance in Đồng Nai and VND915 billion in HCMC.

Meanwhile, earlier this week, Thaco announced ambitious plans to have the metro line from Bến Thành to Thủ Thiêm and a connecting railway from Thủ Thiêm to Long Thành Airport operational by 2030. Authorities have yet to decide on who will implement or fund these projects, but Thaco, an urban development and residential real estate company, is preparing for the responsibility, as evidenced by the addition of a Railway Project Investment and Construction division.

Plans for the portion of Metro Line 2 extending from Thủ Thiêm to Long Thành Airport. Image via VNExpress.

Of course, these plans and proposals, including a direct connection to Tân Sơn Nhất, are nothing new, with discussions of them going back at least a decade. Dates for opening operations have similarly been offered and revised over the years, alongside vigorous calls to speed up implementation. In the meantime, a robust expansion of bus lines is in the works, with seven proposed lines connecting to urban hubs alongside various road, bridge and overpass embellishments.

[Top image via HCMC Tourism Magazine]

What do you remember most about the 1990s? Do you remember the fashion, the old-timey technology, or the lack of traffic? And if you were just a wee child, do these memories stay with you?

This collection of candid shots, taken by French photographer Bruno Barbey in Hanoi right during Tết of 1994 (Giáp Tuất), would teleport you to a simpler time of rudimentary new year decorations, sharp suits, and some particularly dope sunglasses.

Have a closer look below:

A lady sells paper toys outside Ngọc Sơn Pagoda.

Strips of firecrackers on sale at an army supply shop, Mơ Market.

Posing with Tết decorations.

A couple next to Tết ornaments in Hoàn Kiếm.

Children frolic in toy vehicles.

Young Hanoians enjoy phở at a stall outside Ngọc Sơn Pagoda.

At Hàng Da.

On a Tết ride.

An older couple pose for a picture at Ngọc Sơn.

Tiny shops in the Old Quarter.

On the side of Long Biên Bridge.

On a dimly lit street.

Photos by Bruno Barbey via RedsVN.

Melodic synth-lines and steady electronic drums. Today, the signature sounds of new wave music feel perhaps a bit old and outdated. During its high point during the 1980s, however, new wave was hailed as music of the future.

Vietnamese new wave, or new wave for short, is a genre of music that can be best described as Vietnamese American eurodisco. Characterized by a blend of synth pop and disco beats, the music most often covers famous eurodisco hits from abroad. In fact, the term new wave had originally been a bit of a misnomer. The name stuck around when eurodisco music, especially in its burgeoning phases, was miscategorized under the label of UK New Wave in record shops across Little Saigon.

As Elizabeth Ai describes in her book New Wave: Rebellion and Reinvention in the Vietnamese Diaspora that accompanied the release of her documentary film, new wave “electrified” a whole generation of Vietnamese American teenagers during the 1980s. Specifically, new wave was revered by the so-called “1.5 generation,” referring to the generation of Vietnamese American refugees who were born in Vietnam but grew up and came of age in the US. For the 1.5 generation — lost trying to navigate a new life between America and Vietnam, neither to which they felt like they wholly belonged — new wave offered a new way of life. It was a way of rebelling and reinventing against and of expectations and identity categories of what it meant to be Vietnamese, Americans, refugees: seeking refuge from war, yes, but also from the refugee experience itself.

New wave embodies the broad-minded, quixotic, and highly individualistic spirits that guided youths from the 1980s.

Unfortunately, the popularity of new wave is now largely subdued. But those who experienced new wave during its height seem to be unable to forget the excitement, fervor, and zeal that it incited within the Vietnamese diaspora.

About the film

The documentary New Wave is directed by Elizabeth Ai, a Chinese Vietnamese American Emmy-winning producer and filmmaker. It was originally released in 2024, and has so far only been available for watching through screenings. Good news for us, starting late spring of this year, the documentary will be available for the public. Ai’s team recommended following socials for details to be released in the near future.

Interestingly, while the film project began in 2018, initially with research and outreach work and eventually moving onto filmwork, with the COVID-19 pandemic, filming unexpectedly came to an abrupt halt. While filming was on hiatus, Ai’s team started an Instagram page to crowdsource archival material. Saigoneer featured the project during this phase back in 2022, read our previous article here. Now, the instagram page has been taken over with promotional content for the film, but the montage of crowdsourced photos, depicting Vietnamese American youth during the 1980s and their stories, still remains available for public view.

The poster of New Wave the documentary.

As it should be obvious by now, new wave and its history is the central topic of Ai’s film: the origins of the music, the story of its rise in popularity amongst the Vietnamese diaspora, the ascent of its poster child Lynda Trang Đài into stardom, as well as its punk subculture scene: edgy clothes, electric hair, and late night dancing and partying. In describing her childhood memories of her aunts and uncles listening to new wave music, Ai captured the subculture of new wave succinctly.

New Wave’s story is no simple periodization of the music. Instead, the film intimately follows and weaves together the lives of a few central figures to paint a lively and dynamic picture of the inner life of new wave. There is, for one, Ian Nguyen, better known as DJ BPM, a prominent new wave DJ who, as a teenager, against the disappointment of his strict father, fell in love with new wave both for its futuristic sound and its new possibilities for “cool.” Then there is Lynda Trang Đài, dubbed by some as the “Vietnamese Madonna,” who pioneered new wave and became massively popular and idolized through her appearances in Paris by Night covering popular eurodisco hits. And finally, there is Elizabeth Ai herself; as well as her aunt Myra, who took care of Ai growing up in the absence of her mother, who was too busy hustling to provide for the family. For viewers both familiar with new wave and entirely new to it, the film’s intimate documentation of the inner lives of insiders of the world of new wave is deeply captivating. Together, their lives come to form a vibrant mosaic image of the world that is new wave.

Lynda Trang Đài was a key figure in the new wave movement.

That said, compared to Ian and Lynda whose lives have long revolved around new wave, Ai’s connection to new wave is arguably far sparser, anchored primarily in childhood memories of listening to the music blasting in her teenage aunt Myra’s car. Why, then, is Ai’s personal story and history figured so prominently in the film? Ai herself could not anticipate her intimate link to the narrative when she first embarked on her project: “Initially envisioned as a documentary focused on the 1980s new wave scene, the project deepened as I explored stories and archives, which unexpectedly reopened old wounds and broadened the emotional scope of the film.” She elaborates:

In perhaps the most memorable sequence of the film, realizing she can no longer avoid confronting the painful fact of her mother’s absence during her childhood, Ai finally reaches out to reconnect with her mother, with whom she has long had no contact out of anger and resentment. And in finally confronting her mother, Ai realizes that she has misunderstood much of her own mother, that she had not known much of what caused her mother to act the way she did. Thus, what began as a film about a music genre ends up transforming into something much more intimate and personal.

A confession

Admittedly, I had never heard of new wave before watching Ai’s documentary. And given my lack of personal connection with the topic, I anticipated that my enjoyment of the film would be limited. Beyond such expectations, however, the film was a real joy to watch — in large part due to the personal aspects of the film that transcended the narrow scope of new wave, no doubt, but also, because the film left me with much to think about.

What exactly? Perplexingly enough, a quote, written in a substantially different context from New Wave, by Ta-Nehisi Coates in his book The Message. “We have a right to our imagined traditions, to our imagined places, and those traditions and places are most powerful when we confess that they are imagined.”

Photo courtesy of Elizabeth Ai.

At one point in the film, Ian Nguyen describes his adolescent immersion in new wave, “the music was innocent, but the scene we were in was not.” The scene was not innocent in that it harbored alcohol, drugs, sex. The music was not, in that it didn’t — after all, the music was just music. It is certainly a compelling and intriguing characterization of the dichotomy of new wave, but I also think that it is one we can further complicate.

Consider, for instance, the film’s portrayal of Lynda Trang Đài. For many in the 1.5 generation, Lynda was an icon of glamor, freedom, and possibility, exemplified when Ai’s aunt Myra remarks, “She was everything I wanted to become.”

But if Lynda embodied perfection for many, the film also reveals the many ways in which Lynda’s personal life is in fact far from perfect. We see, for instance, the ways in which Lynda struggles to juggle multiple jobs (including running a sandwich shop) to financially support her extended family — all of which, at one point, causes her to miss her son’s graduation ceremony.

The irony is difficult to ignore. The star who promised escape for so many children from the dysfunction of overworked parents is herself trapped in a similar cycle. I mention all of this not to taint Lynda Trang Đài, but rather, in light of all of this, to raise the question: what, then, could innocence mean for new wave music when the craze over new wave had so often been inseparable from the craze over Lynda Trang Đài?

Vietnamese New Wave found its start in VHS and cassette tapes containing covers of trendy English-language songs of the time.

The film’s brilliance lies in this: far from simply romanticizing new wave, the film humanizes the phenomenon, from its past to its present, from its devout followers to its poster child, laying bare all its messiness and complexities. The larger picture is far from perfect, but we feel love for it all the more because of that. If there is anything innocent about new wave, it is this care for it.

To return to Coates: “We have a right to our imagined traditions, to our imagined places, and those traditions and places are most powerful when we confess that they are imagined.” New Wave reminds me of these words because, in a way, the film feels like a confession of such imagining. “My truth was just a story I created to protect myself,” says Ai, reflecting upon the narrative she has constructed for herself to fill in her mother’s ellipses.

The same can be said of new wave more generally, too. If new wave subculture was driven by “rebellion and reinvention,” as goes the subtitle of Ai’s book, surely such reinvention also constituted a kind of imagining and reimagining. And New Wave shows us that, indeed, such imagining is most powerful when confessed because it is there, in that confession, that we can be most honest without letting go of the selves we’ve built.

On the patches of sandy soil by the river in Kim An Commune, Thanh Oai District, Hanoi, there’s a tiny village named Tràng Cát, where dong leaves have been embedded in local history, memory, and economy for centuries. Right in local courtyard, these broad green leaves were transformed into bánh chưng, ready for Tết feasts across the country.

For about 600 years until now, generations of Tràng Cát villagers have grown up amongst emerald fields of dong. Dong (Stachyphrynium placentarium) is a grass-like plant that’s closely related to ginger. The leaves are bright green, wide, and durable, and thus are very suitable to wrap food in traditional dishes, especially bánh chưng. In Tràng Cát, dong grows thick in yards, alongside old brick walls and village paths where farmers and children tread every day to go to work and school.

Tràng Cát Village in suburban Hanoi.

According to several village household’s genealogical documents, right when the community was first established in the 16th–17th century, locals were already clearing land to cultivate dong. Back then, only the prettiest, most flawless leaves were used to make bánh chưng to offer to emperors. Initially, the plant was only grown at home, but gradually, land plots not fertile enough for other cash drops were all turned to dong fields. Today, the village’s 500 households all cultivate this special leaf.

Tràng Cát has about 30 hectares of dong fields.

About 30 hectares of dong fields now span everywhere in the commune. Irrigated by the Đáy River, Kim An’s sandy soil is particularly nourishing to dong, thus Tràng Cát’s leaves are nationally famous for their broadness, waxy surfaces, and bright colors. When wrapped and cooked, bánh chưng here carries an appealing shade of green and gentle leafy aroma. It’s not a coincidence that, even though dong can grow anywhere, many bánh chưng makers still seek out Tràng Cat leaves.

Tràng Cát’s leaves are nationally famous for their broadness, waxy surfaces, and bright colors

Leaves are harvested year-round in the village, but the volume only really balloons when Tết nears. From the 10th to 25th day of the last lunar month, the entire village enters crunch mode for the busiest time of the year. Harvesters meander in between tall dong shoots to pick the best leaves. Then, they carefully slice off right above the node to prevent tearing or breaking the stalk, while ensuring that the plant could bud out new leaves after Tết.

Dong leaves are sliced off carefully.

Tall dong plants grow close to one another.

During peak periods, each household could gather up to 10,000 leaves a day. Once cut off, they are washed and tied into bundles of 100, before being separated into tiers depending on purposes. Smaller leaves are reserved for bánh tét while medium-sized ones are for bánh chưng wrapped using molds. Only the biggest, prettiest leaves are used for traditional hand-wrapped bánh chưng. Each bundle could fetch VND60,000–250,000 depending on the tier.

Arranging leaves after harvest.

To dong farmers like Phạm Thị Tuyết, growing this leaf is both more familiar and less strenuous than rice or other cash crops. Dong can be harvested all year, not just for Tết, yielding 3–4 batches. The plant is also quite low-maintenance: just water regularly and the leaves would pop out again. Her working schedule during Tết seasons often starts at 7am and ends at 5pm with around three hours of lunch break. “Before Tết, every person in the family must work together to cut and pack the leaves,” Tuyết explains.

Tâm, a local, washes the leaves.

The leaves are washed before being packed.

“Dong is very easy-going and accommodating. They’ll sprout new leaves when one is cut, so we can do this year round. A few previous storms knocked them down, but they still lived and gave us new leaves,” Tâm, a leaf harvester, shares.

Harvested leaves are grouped by size and appearance.

Tràng Cát’s leaves are shipped to every corner of the country.

When the leaves are gathered, farmers focus on sorting and packing: one person cuts, one person counts, one person washes, and one person categorizes. I left the village, but couldn’t stop thinking about the incredible vigor of the dong plant — it won’t stop growing, no matter how many times its leaves were cut off.